المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 The Functionality of Custom (‘Urf) in Bay‘ah, Elections, and Shura from the Perspective of Political Jurisprudence فاعلیّة العُرف في البیعة والانتخابات والشورى من منظور الفقه السیاسي 9 35 79745 10.22081/ipt.2026.74414.1061 AR علي شیرخاني أستاذ قسم العلوم السياسية، وحدة قم، جامعة آزاد الإسلامية، قم، إيران أمید خلیلي مهر دكتوراه في العلوم السياسية وخريج الحوزة العلمية في قم. Journal Article 2026 03 14 Custom (‘urf) is a significant phenomenon in Shi‘i jurisprudence which, following the intellectual ascendancy of Usuli jurists over the Akhbaris, became increasingly familiar within Shi‘i legal discourse. From the past century onward, Shi‘i jurisprudence has also developed new conceptual tools, including notions such as sirat (practice) and bina’ al-‘uqala’ (the practice of rational agents). As a result, we witness the relative effectiveness of ‘urf in the fields of jurisprudence and ijtihad. Notwithstanding this development, the application of ‘urf, particularly in the domain of political issues and political jurisprudence, has remained fragmented and has generally lacked systematic theoretical and practical attention. Accordingly, the central question of this study concerns the role and status of ‘urf—from a jurisprudential and theoretical perspective—in areas such as bay‘ah (allegiance), elections, and shura (consultation). A review of the existing literature indicates that although studies have been conducted on shura, bay‘ah, political participation from Qur’anic or jurisprudential perspectives, and the position of bay‘ah and elections in the Islamic political system, a significant gap remains. This gap lies in the lack of focused attention to the status of ‘urf in bay‘ah, elections, and shura based on the principles and evidences of political jurisprudence —an issue that constitutes one of the key topics in this field. Given the importance of this subject, the present study adopts a jurisprudential and argumentative approach to examine the functionality and effectiveness of ‘urf in major political arenas such as bay‘ah, elections, and shura. With an innovative perspective—such as re-evaluating the theoretical frameworks of jurists and incorporating the evidences of political jurisprudence —the study elucidates the relationship between ‘urf and bay‘ah, elections, and shura, and highlights the essential and effective role of ‘urf in these domains. Using a descriptive–analytical method and relying on evidences such as the practice of the Infallibles in their engagement with prevailing customs at the time of bay‘ah, the right to self-determination, and the probative authority of rational practices (sirat al-‘uqala’), the study demonstrates the fundamental effectiveness of ‘urf in areas such as the establishment of political systems and their functions, grounded in bay‘ah, public elections, and adherence to majority opinion. The findings indicate that ‘urf and the people, within the Shi‘i political system, play an effective and essential role through mechanisms such as bay‘ah or elections. In the absence of explicit textual designation—such as in the case of the rule of the Infallible—‘urf constitutes one of the principal pillars of the legitimacy of religious governance.<br />Furthermore, based on the scope and implications of the evidences of shura—particularly the two Qur’anic verses “and their affairs are conducted through consultation among them” (Qur’an 42:38) and “and consult them in matters” (Qur’an 3:159)—the legitimacy of customary consultation in politics and political jurisprudence is established. Shura thus plays a crucial role both in the formation and continuation of governance, exerting significant influence during the stage of political stability and continuity. Accordingly, through an examination of the classifications of shura, the aforementioned evidences, and the proof of rational practice (sirat al-‘uqala’), obligatory shura is shown to apply to public affairs of society, including political matters, issues of war and peace, international treaties, and administrative and economic affairs. The importance of this concept is such that, according to some jurists and scholars, shura and consultation constitute one of the most essential mechanisms for controlling political power. Among prominent jurists who emphasize shura and customary consultation is Mohaqqiq Na’ini, who derives the obligation of consultation in all political affairs and the foundation of political matters upon collective consultation from the verses “and consult them in matters” and “their affairs are conducted through consultation among them.” Consequently, the domain of consultation is identified as “the affairs of the people,” encompassing matters related to governance implementation and political arenas. إنّ«العرف» بوصفه ظاهرة أساسية في الفقه الشيعي، یلعب دورًا محوريًّا في ديناميكية الاجتهاد؛ ومع ذلك، لم تخضع وظیفته في مجال الفقه السياسي للبحث والتمحيص بشكل منسجم. تسعى هذه الدراسة، بهدف تبيين مكانة وفاعليّة العرف في المفاهيم السياسية الرئيسة مثل البيعة، والانتخابات، والشورى، إلى تقديم إطار نظري للربط بين التراث الفقهي والبُنی السياسية الحديثة. وقد اتّبعت هذه المقالة المنهج الوصفي-التحليلي، وتمّ -من خلال مراجعة آراء الفقهاء الكبار- استخلاص العلاقة بين الأدلة الشرعية والضرورات العُرفية. تبيّن نتائج البحث أنّ العرف وسيرة العقلاء في النظام السياسي الشيعي ليسا مجرّد أدوات ثانوية، بل هما عنصران أصليان في نشوء الحكومة وبقائها. ويستدلّ الكتّاب - من خلال تحليل طبيعة البيعة وتطبيقها مع نموذج الانتخابات - بأنّ هذين المفهومين يعبّران عن حقّ تقرير المصير والمشاركة الجوهرية للشعب في الحوكمة. وعلى هذا الأساس، في عصر الغيبة وغياب النصّ الخاصّ، يُعدّ العرف والرأي العام الركن الرئيس في إضفاء الشرعية علی النظام السياسي. وفي جزء آخر من النتائج، وبالاستناد إلى أدلة الشورى (مثل آيات «وأَمْرُهُمْ شُورَى بَيْنَهُمْ» و«وَشَاوِرْهُمْ فِي الْأَمْرِ»، تمّ إثبات أنّ المشاورة في الشؤون العامة للمجتمع بما في ذلك المسائل الإدارية والعسكرية والاقتصادية أمر واجب ومنشئ للنظام، يضع الإدارة الكليّة للمجتمع على مدار العقلانية الجماعية. وفي الختام، تستنتج هذه المقالة أنّ إعادة اكتشاف وظيفة العرف تؤدّي إلى تعزيز مساءلة المسؤولين، والتداول السلمي للسلطة، وفاعليّة النظام السياسي في مواجهة متطلبات العصر. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79745_9b3550bd1b8a56db2003f1a30b28313e.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 An Inquiry into the Conceptualization of Religious Democracy in the Political Thought of Imam Khomeini دراسةٌ في تفسیر الدیمقراطیة الدینیة في الفكر السیاسي للإمام الخمیني 36 58 79744 10.22081/ipt.2026.74413.1060 AR علي ملکي أستاذ مساعد، جامعة تفرش، تفرش، إيران. Journal Article 2026 03 14 This article aims to examine the relationship between globally recognized indicators of democracy and the intellectual framework of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran. At a time when, toward the end of the twentieth century, the role of religion in politics was declining and the world was divided between Eastern social democracy and Western liberal democracy, Imam Khomeini introduced a novel model grounded in the authority of religion in organizing political and social life. The central question of this research is whether the core elements of democracy—such as the right to self-determination, political competition, and accountability—occupy a meaningful and explanatory position within Imam Khomeini’s political thought. To address this question, the author employs a descriptive–analytical method and content analysis techniques. By distinguishing between democracy as an ideology and democracy as a method, the study undertakes a systematic re-reading of Imam Khomeini’s writings and speeches.<br />The findings indicate that in Imam Khomeini’s political thought, democracy is not merely a political slogan but is rooted in the anthropological foundations of Islam. From his perspective, the human being is the “essence of creation” and possesses free will, with the inherent right to determine his or her own destiny. The study demonstrates that Imam Khomeini regarded the right to self-determination as one of the fundamental rights of human beings, consistent with both reason and divine law. He firmly believed that no authority— not even a prophet or an infallible Imam—has the right to impose its will upon the people. Accordingly, divine legitimacy is inseparably linked to popular acceptance. Within this framework, religious democracy consists of two fundamental dimensions. The first is the constitutive dimension, which refers to the physical participation of the people in elections to establish political structures and offices. The second is the interpretive (analytical) dimension, which denotes the creation of a moral and emotional bond between the nation and the government, such that the people perceive state officials not as rulers, but as agents who realize their collective and transcendent aspirations.<br />Another part of the findings addresses the operational indicators of democracy in Imam Khomeini’s political practice. In contrast to monarchical and authoritarian systems, Imam Khomeini emphasized the peaceful transfer of power and rejected lifelong tenure in political office. He therefore insisted on the continuous consultation of rulers with representatives of the people and strict adherence to the constitution. The study also shows that, contrary to rigid and exclusionary interpretations, Imam Khomeini held a positive view of political parties and pluralism, provided that such activities did not lead to conspiracies against the foundations of Islamic society. He considered differences of opinion to be natural and conducive to social growth, and believed that political competition should take place within an ethical framework grounded in divine values.<br />The article further elaborates on the concept of accountability and oversight within this paradigm. In Imam Khomeini’s intellectual system, power has no intrinsic value and gains legitimacy only when it serves justice and the public good. Accordingly, he emphasized two forms of supervision: internal supervision, which focuses on the moral purification of officials, and external supervision, which preserves the people’s right to monitor all pillars of the political system, including the leadership itself. A key finding of the research is that Imam Khomeini, in his practical conduct, granted no legal immunity to any official and explicitly declared his readiness to be held accountable in the event of wrongdoing. This approach transforms the political system from a rigid social contract into a relationship of responsibility and mutual commitment between the leader and the people.<br />Ultimately, the article concludes that religious democracy in Imam Khomeini’s thought constitutes an authentic model of governance that rejects both individual authoritarianism and the formalistic democracy of the West, offering a third path for human societies. This model is founded upon justice-centeredness and popular satisfaction, and conceptualizes popular sovereignty as operating vertically within the framework of absolute divine sovereignty. The final conclusion of the study suggests that by defining political freedoms within the realm of humanity’s innate rights, Imam Khomeini provided a framework in which majority rule serves as the criterion of governance, while the majority itself remains bound by ethical and revelatory principles. This model integrates governance with spirituality and outlines a path in which national development and progress are realized through the collective will of the people within the framework of religious law. إنّ فهم الفكر السياسي للإمام الخميني&، بوصفه مؤسّس نظام الجمهورية الإسلامية الإیرانية، يُعدّ بمثابة رسم خارطة الطريق للجمهورية الإسلامية؛ واستناداً إلى رؤية قائد الثورة الإسلامية، سماحة آية الله الخامنئي، فإنّ الثورة الإسلامية تُعرف في العالم وتكتسب معناها وهویتها من خلال اسم الإمام الخميني وأفكاره. تسعى هذه الدراسة بالاعتماد علی المنهج الوصفي- التحليلي من نوعِ تحليلِ المحتوى، إلى الإجابة عن السؤال التالي: هل يمكن، في ضوء المؤشرات والسمات المحورية للديمقراطية، تبيين هذه المؤشرات والمعالم استنادًا إلى الفكر السياسي للإمام الخميني+؟ يتمثّل أهمّ ما توصّلت إليه هذه الدراسة في تبيين رؤية الإمام& حيال الديمقراطية من خلال مؤشّراتها وخصائصها الرئيسة، مثل: حقّ تقرير المصير، التداول السلمي للسلطة، وتنافس الأحزاب السياسية، ومساءلة المسؤولين أمام الشعب، وقبول رأي الأغلبيّة؛ كما تمّت دراسة و تبیین مدى تناسق فكر الإمام وتوافقه مع هذه المؤشّرات. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79744_aa8af0419ae9fdb69547760bbbc79fa4.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 Ayatollah Khamenei and The Theory of Political Progress سماحة آیة اللّه الخامنئي ونظریة التقدّم السیاسي 59 81 79730 10.22081/ipt.2026.74403.1058 AR عبدالوهاب فراتي أستاذ مشارك، معهد الأبحاث للثقافة والفکر الإسلامي، طهران، إیران. ‏ Journal Article 2026 03 08 The present article analyzes the implications for replacing the term “progress” with “development” in the thought of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. At the beginning of this study, the author emphasizes that choosing the term “progress” instead of “development” is not merely a change of a term or word, but it shows a change in a wise paradigm and attempt to establish a native and non-Western governance model. The main hypothesis of this study is that the discourse of progress is a civilizational response to the crises resulting from Western rebuilding models and its objective is not to imitate liberal models but to realize “the theory of religious” as a macro strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The methodology of this study focuses on discourse analysis and comparison of the concepts which have been carried out through examination of the statements, speeches and written works of Ayatollah Khamenei in recent decades.<br />The findings of the study suggest that the distinction of progress can be realized through three foundational levels of worldview, ideology, and systems. In the worldview level, the Western development model is rooted in humanism (human-oriented) in which human is the axis of the creation and happiness is defined only in material welfare and personal enjoyment seeking. According to the leader of Iran, this is the situation that can lead to family collapse and lack of identity, despite economic growth. However, political progress in Islamic thought is based on monothetic worldview in which God is the axis and creator of the world and progress is a path in which material and spiritual growth will be realized simultaneously and harmoniously. At the level of ideology, the main difference is between “liberalism focusing on permissiveness” and “Islamic ideology focusing on servitude and obligation”. According to the Supreme leader of Iran, civilization building without having a school of thought is an impossible theological faith and harbor. In this regard, liberal democracy which is faced with serious criticism today, can not be the roadmap of Iran’s progress. Instead, the ideal progress model is based on Shia dynamic thought and resorts to <em>Wilayah</em> as a captain that guides society towards transcendent goals.<br />The author then explains the cultural, economic, and political systems in this paradigm.  In the cultural system, the concept of “culture engineering” for protecting national identity is highlighted against the soft invasion of the West. In the economic system, progress emphasizes on “democratic economy” and “resistance-based economy” whose goal is social justice and decreasing dependency on foreign resources, not accumulation of capital for a special class of people. Nevertheless, the most important part of the research findings is the manifestation of political progress in the form of “the theory of religious democracy”. This theory has two founding and analytical dimensions. The founding dimension highlights people’s participation in elections and choosing political appointments. However, the analytical dimension is different from this model and seeks to create a spiritual and emotional relationship between the people and governance in a way that the people consider system’s agents as the realizers their transcendent ideals. This model is based on four principles of “People’s satisfaction”, “Value-orientation”, “Right-orientation”, and “law-orientation” and opens a third path against the duality of dictatorship and Western secular democracy.<br />In the final section of the article, the author refers to the novel institutions in the progress paradigm. The institutions such as Assembly of Experts, Guardian Council, Expediency Discernment Council are defined as bridges of communication between divine legitimacy and people’s acceptability that are in charge of guaranteeing the religiousness and democracy of the system simultaneously. In this model, the method of acquiring power is as important as the power itself and politics shouldn’t be turned into an arena for negating ethics and values. The final results of this research suggest that in Ayatollah Khamenei’s perspective, political progress is a continuous “civilizational project” which seeks to present an inspiring model for other Islamic countries through negating ideological dependency on the West. The theory tries to illustrate a path between tradition and modernity based on national dignity and comprehensive progress, through integrating the maximum participation of people and institutional stability in the form of revelational values in order to meet the needs of the contemporary society of Iran.<br /> <br />  السؤال الرئيس في هذه المقالة هو دراسة التمايزات المفاهيمية والنظرية بين «التقدّم» و«التنمية» من منظور سماحة آية الله الخامنئي، وتحليل دلالات ذلك في مجال التنمية السياسية. تتمحور الفرضية الأساسية للمقالة حول أنّ الاختيار المتعمّد لمصطلح «التقدّم» بدلاً من «التنمية» من قِبَل سماحته، یدلّ علی تحوّل عمیق لنموذج فكري (بارادیم) ويمثّل سعياً لتقديم نموذج محلي غير غربي في مجال الحوكمة، حيث لا تتمثل غايته في تقليد النماذج الغربية، بل في تحقق الديمقراطية الدينية بوصفها استراتيجية للتنمية السياسية في إيران. تستند منهجية هذا البحث إلى تحليل الخطاب والدراسة المقارنة للمفاهيم، وذلك عبر استقصاء وتحليل نصوص وخطابات سماحة آية الله الخامنئي. تُظهر نتائج البحث أنّ التمييز الجوهري بين «التقدّم» و«التنمية» يتجلّى في ثلاثةِ مستوياتٍ رئيسة: الرؤية الكونية التوحيدية في مقابل النزعة الإنسانية (الإنسانوية)، والأيديولوجيا الشيعية في مقابل الليبرالية، والأنظمة الثقافية والاقتصادية والسياسية المختلفة. وفي المحور السياسي، يتبلور هذا التمايز في إطار نظرية «الديمقراطية الدينية» التي تتضمّن بعدين تأسيسيًّا وتحليليًّا، وتستند إلى أربعة مبادئ هي: رضا الشعب، محوريّة القیم، محوريّة الحق، محوريّة القانون. ويسعى هذا النموذج، من خلال نفي الاستبداد ونقد الديمقراطيات الليبرالية، إلى تحقيق التنمية السياسية في إطار القيم الإسلامية، وإرساء صلة مؤسّسية وعاطفية بين الأمّة والحكومة. تعتبر نظرية «الديمقراطية الدينية» كنموذج للتنمية السياسية في هذا النموذج الفكري (الباراديم)، ولا تهتمّ بالمشاركة السياسية الكمّية عبر الانتخابات فحسب، بل تركّز أیضا علی تعمیق المشاركة النوعية وخلق المشروعية القيمية. إذ يعرّف هذا النموذج التنمية السياسية من خلال دمج إرادة الشعب والقيم الدينية ضمن إطار محلي يبتعد عن الاستبداد ويتمايز عن الديمقراطية العلمانية الغربية، ويرى في النهاية أنّ مسار التقدّم السياسي رهين بتحقّق  هذا النموذج بأكمل صورة. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79730_b0b26186639f5f715c1b1753009499c1.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 Human Governance in a Multi-cultural Society: An Examination of Imam Musa Sadr's Experience الحوكمة الإنسانیة في المجتمع متعدّد الثقافات: قراءة في تجربة الإمام موسى الصدر 82 107 79732 10.22081/ipt.2026.74402.1057 AR شریف لک زایي أستاذ مشارك في قسم الفلسفة السياسية، معهد العلوم والفكر السياسي التابع للمعهد العالي للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية. Journal Article 2026 03 08 This article aims to elucidate the pattern and practical strategies of this prominent figure in dealing with the complex and pluralistic context of Lebanese society. The fundamental issue of the research is how, in a country with sixteen official religions and a history replete with sectarian conflicts, how can someone propose a model of governance that both recognizes cultural pluralities and avoids falling into the traps of authoritarianism or reductionist secularism. The author, utilizing the method of "internal logic analysis of thought" and with a look at Farabi's views on the City of Virtue and "Conquering the Earth," argues that Imam Musa Sadr, by rejecting the duality of "tribal system" and "pure secularism," has laid the foundation for a third pattern called "human governance." This pattern rests on three fundamental pillars: human-centeredness, organized movement, and universal participation, which seeks to establish the inherent dignity of humanity as the primary basis for policymaking, transcending religious and ethnic affiliations.<br />The findings of this research indicate that Imam Musa Sadr, in contrast to many reformers who view diversity as a source of division, considered religious pluralism in Lebanon as a "divine blessing" and a cultural wealth. From his perspective, differences not only do not hinder growth, but rather provide a basis for evolution and synergy; to such an extent that he believed that even if this plurality did not exist, we should create an environment for human growth.            Criticizing Lebanon's political structure, which was based on the unfair distribution of power among religious feudalists (especially Maronites), Sadr believed that this system, instead of establishing justice, led to the consolidation of class privileges and kept the Shia community, as the largest sect, in double deprivation. However, his solution for reform was not destructive uprisings, but rather strengthening the "civil society" and empowering individuals through institutionalization.<br />A significant part of the findings of the article focuses on elucidating the role of "organization and structure" in the process of desirable governance in the era of Sadr. The author explains that Sadr did not consider the crude and disorganized presence of the people in the public sphere as sufficient, and emphasized the necessity of the existence of bodies based on solid theoretical foundations. The establishment of the "Supreme Council of Shia in Lebanon" in 1969 is a concrete example of this approach, aiming not at separatism, but at the vindication of the violated rights of the Shia and the facilitation of their fair integration into the state structure. Similarly, the establishment of "The Disadvantaged Movement" as a transnational movement reflects his efforts to redefine the Lebanese identity based on human commonalities and the struggle against poverty and ignorance. His actions in the city of "Sour," including the fight against begging, the establishment of vocational training centers for women, and cultural-sports clubs, demonstrated that, in his view, religion, before being for the afterlife, is "for life" and for correcting the processes of field governance.<br />The author continues to explore creative solutions proposed by Sadr to resolve legal conflicts in multicultural societies. One of these brilliant solutions is the suggestion of a "Common Personal Status Law" utilizing "terms incorporated in the contract." Sadr argued that a uniform law could be established allowing each party to the contract to include conditions consistent with their religious Sharia; thus, preserving individuals' religious identity while ensuring legal and national integrity. This approach provided a democratic response to the demand for secularization, contributing to social unity without denying religion.<br />In conclusion, the article argues that Imam Musa Sadr's experience transformed Lebanon into a "global laboratory" for the realization of Islamic political thought in the modern world. His model of human governance opened a shortcut between frozen traditionalism and aggressive modernity, where religious scholars, as "public activists," are responsible for achieving peace and justice by engaging in churches, mosques, and social institutions. Sadr's legacy teaches us that desirable governance in multicultural societies requires moving beyond "sectarianism" towards "human meritocracy" and replacing "coercive governance" with "soft and persuasive governance." Overall, this research demonstrates that Sadr's thought provides a credible framework for analyzing the possibilities of democracy in diverse societies, which remains inspiring and guiding for the contemporary world. تتناول هذه المقالة دراسة المنهج الذي اتّخذه الإمام موسى الصدر في مواجهة مجتمع لبنان متعدّد الثقافات، وتتّبع هذا السؤال المحوري: ما هي النظرة والاستراتيجيّات العمليّة التي فكّر بها لإدارة التعدّديّات الثقافيّة في لبنان؟ وكيف سعى إلى تحقيق التعايش السلمي بينها؟ تُظهر نتائج البحث أنّ الصدر، بقبوله بنية التعدّديّة في المجتمع اللبنانيّ وبالحفاظ على هوية الطوائف المختلفة، قد اختار نموذج الحكم الإنساني كإطار نظري وعملي لنفسه. يستند هذا النموذج إلی محورين أساسيّين: الارتقاء المتزامن للشؤون الماديّة والروحيّة للإنسان من جانب، ونقد ثنائيّة النظام السياسي الطائفي والعلماني من جانب آخر. ويتميّز هذا النموذج من الحوكمة بمنهجه الليِّن وغير المباشر، الذي يتحقّق من خلال جلب المشاركة الطوعيّة والإقناع الداخلي للمواطنين. وفي هذا السياق، تلعب المنظّمة والتنظیمات دوراً محوريّاً بوصفها منصّةً لتنظيم القوى البشريّة، وتعبئة الإمكانات، وتنفيذ البرامج العمليّة. والنقطة المهمّة في فكر الصدر هي تأكيده على القيمة الذاتيّة للتنوّع الثقافي؛ بحيث كان يعتقد أنّه حتى في حال غياب مثل هذا التعدّد في لبنان، كان يجب إيجاده بوصفه منصّةً لنموّ الإنسان والمجتمع. وكان الصدر ينظر إلى لبنان بوصفه مختبراً لتحقيق نموذجٍ عالميّ، يبيّن أنّ الأفكار الإسلاميّة قابلة للتجلّي في المجتمعات المتنوّعة. ولم يكن منهجه نفياً تامّاً للوضع القائم، بل كان تقديم بديلٍ بنّاءٍ يستند إلى ثلاثة مكوّنات: المركزيّة الإنسانيّة، والتنظيم المؤسّساتي، والحوكمة الناعمة. وتتناول هذه الدراسة تبيين هذا النموذج باستخدام منهج تحليل المنطق الداخلي للفكر، ومن خلال الوصف والتحليل الممنهج للمكوّنات الفكريّة والعمليّة للإمام موسى الصدر. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79732_e400cd733497f2d73fda8954c71f11d8.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 A Quranic Approach to Understanding the Nature the West (An Introduction to Quran-based Westology by Ayatollah Khamenei) المقاربة القرآنية في «معرفة ماهیّة الغرب» (مدخل إلى معرفة الغرب على أساس القرآن الكریم لدى سماحة آیة الله الخامنئي) 108 139 79731 10.22081/ipt.2026.74401.1056 AR حبیب اله بابائي أستاذ مشارك في المعهد العالي للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية. Journal Article 2026 03 08 The question of how to recognize "the West" and determine the logic of interaction or confrontation with it is one of the fundamental challenges of civilizational thought in the Islamic world. Common approaches, whether in the field of modern studies or the critique of modernity, often rely on Western sources and epistemological frameworks, and have failed to meet the practical and identity needs of Islamic societies in their engagement with the West. This study aims to fill this theoretical gap by exploring the possibility of grounding the Islamic world's civilizational encounter on an independent literature arising from religious sources. The main argument of the article is that Ayatollah Khamenei's intellectual system presents a coherent knowledge framework under the title of "Qur'an-based Westology," which, by moving beyond one-dimensional and sometimes reductionist Westologies, analyzes the West not merely as modernity but as a civilizational structure with specific theological roots.<br />This research, through an analytical-discursive approach and with a focus on the connection between Quranic themes and the lived historical experience of the Islamic Revolution, elucidates this methodology. Ayatollah Khamenei's methodology in this framework rests on three pillars: "studying Western works and translations", "direct political and empirical experience from the West", and then "Quran-based enemy-studies". In this approach, the nature of the West is explained through Quranic concepts such as "oppression", "tyranny", "devil", and "devilish rule" (with an emphasis on the philosophical and ontological nature of the devil), where its prominent symbol in contemporary times is the American system and the characteristics of "arrogance, greed, and deception" in material civilization. The findings show that this cognitive pattern elevates moral values such as dignity, piety, and resistance from the level of abstract concepts to the level of operational strategies in foreign policy. In conclusion, the article concludes that the transition from a reactive to an active historical status in the Islamic world requires adopting an authentic approach that, while utilizing scientific achievements of the West, relies on "Quranic authenticity" and draws clear lines with its oppressive nature, thus outlining new and independent civilizational horizons. تُعدّ مسألة كيفيّة معرفة «الغرب» وتحديد منطق التفاعل أو المواجهة معه، أحد التحديّات الجوهريّة للفكر الحضاري في العالم الإسلامي. فالمقاربات السائدة، سواء دراسات الحداثة أو نقد الحداثة، غالباً ما ترتكز على مصادر وأطر معرفية غربية، ولم تتمكّن من تلبية الاحتياجات العملية والهويّاتية للمجتمعات الإسلامية في مواجهتها للغرب. تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى سدّ هذه الفجوة النظريّة، من خلال دراسة إمكانيّة تأسيس المواجهة الحضاريّة لعالم الإسلام على أدبيّاتٍ مستقلةٍ ومنبثقة من المصادر الدينيّة. والادّعاء الرئيس للمقال هو أنّ المنظومة الفكريّة لسماحة آية الله الخامنئي تقدّم منظومة معرفيّة متماسكة تحت عنوان «دراسة الغرب علی أساس القرآن»، والذي يتجاوز الدراسات الأحادية الجانب أو الاختزالية للغرب ليحلّل الغرب لا بوصفه مجرّد حداثة فحسب، بل بوصفه بنيةً حضاريّة ذات جذور لاهوتيّة خاصّة.<br />تتناول هذه الدراسة – باتّباع المنهج التحليلي الخطابي، وبالتركيز على الرابط بين مضامين القرآن الكريم والتجربة التاريخيّة المعاشة للثورة الإسلاميّة - تبيين معالم هذا النهج وتفسير أبعاده. وترتكز المنهجية المعرفيّة لسماحة آية الله الخامنئي في هذا الإطار على ثلاثة أركان رئيسة: «دراسة المؤلفات والترجمات الغربية»، و«التجربة الموضوعيّة والسياسيّة من الغرب»، ثم «معرفة العدوّ القائمة على القرآن». في هذا المنهج، تُفَسَّر ماهيّة الغرب من خلال مفاهيم قرآنيّة مثل «الاستكبار»، و«الطاغوت»، و«الشيطان»، و«الولاية الشيطانيّة» (مع الالتفات إلی ماهيّة الشيطان الفلسفيّة والأنطولوجيّة)، التي يُعدّ النظام الأمريكي وخصائص «النَّشوة» والطمع، والخداع» في الحضارة الماديّة رمزاً بارزاً لها في العصر الحديث. وتُظهر النتائج أنّ هذا النموذج المعرفي يرتقي بالقيم الأخلاقيّة مثل العزّة، والتقوى، والمقاومة من مستوى المفاهيم التجريديّة إلى مستوى الاستراتيجيّات العمليّاتية  في السياسة الخارجيّة. وفي الختام، تخلص المقالة إلى أنَّ الانتقال من «حالة الانفعال» إلى«الفاعلية التاريخية» في العالم الإسلامي، يستوجب تبنّي مقاربة أصيلة، تستفيد من المُنجزات العلمية للغرب، وفي الوقت نفسه ترتكز على «الأصالة القرآنيّة»، وترسم حدود معرفيّة وحضاريّة دقيقة تفصل عن طبيعته السلطوية، ليرسم آفاقًا حضارية جديدة ومستقلّة. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79731_10139dffd468ece3b5ee2875ceb037a2.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 Recognition of the Psychological War of the Hypocrites and Solutions to Combat It from the Perspective of the Holy Quran إعادة معرفة الحرب النفسیة للمنافقین وسُبُل مواجهتها من منظور القرآن الكریم 140 171 79733 10.22081/ipt.2026.74408.1059 AR حانیة ملا شفیع حاصل علی الدكتوراه في تفسير القرآن والحديث، كاشان، إيران؛ أستاذ مدعوّ في مدرسة بنت الهدى التابعة للجامعة العالمية للمصطفى Journal Article 2026 03 12 One of the deepest and most destructive political-cultural damages in human societies, particularly in the Islamic community, is the phenomenon of hypocrisy; a complex, multi-layered, and hidden phenomenon whose effects and consequences are clearly visible not only at the individual level but also on the large social, cultural, and political arenas. As a social disease, hypocrisy has its roots in the weakness of religious education, the influence of foreign cultures, and social discriminations, and these factors provide the ground for its formation and spread among different groups in society. This phenomenon seriously threatens the psychological security and social unity of the Islamic community, making it vulnerable to psychological and propaganda wars by enemies. <br />The present study, with an interpretive-ijtihadi approach, explores the concept of hypocrisy as a political and cultural phenomenon and examines it within the context of organized psychological warfare. Within this framework, an attempt has been made to analyze the various dimensions of hypocrisy and methods of combating it, utilizing the teachings of the Holy Quran. The Quran describes hypocrisy not merely as an individual deviation or personality flaw but as a deliberate strategy to destroy society from within. Hypocrites, through tools such as spreading rumors, systematic distortion of facts, duality, and incitement, undermine the foundations of psychological security and cultural cohesion in the Islamic community.<br />From the perspective of the Quran, hypocrisy is a well-organized threat that seeks to create division, distrust, and weakness in the religious and social beliefs of Muslims through meticulous and targeted planning. Hypocrites use ambiguous language, contradictory behaviors, and vague environments to blur the lines between truth and falsehood, placing society in a state of confusion and instability. This situation will pave the way for the infiltration of external enemies and the weakening of the internal power of the Islamic community.<br />The main question of this research is how the Holy Quran explains the psychological war of the hypocrites and what strategies it provides to counter it. The research hypothesis emphasizes that from the perspective of the Quran, hypocrisy is a structured and multi-dimensional threat that requires a set of cultural, social, and political measures to combat it. These measures include firmness in political and social speech, public awareness and rational analysis, clear demarcation between hypocrisy and freedom of thought, and strengthening empathy and social unity to confront the psychological war of the hypocrites.<br />One of the most important solutions presented by the Quran to combat hypocrisy is the emphasis on honesty and consistency in speech and political behavior. Hypocrites attempt to erode public trust by using double-speak and contradictory actions. In contrast, the Quran stresses the necessity of adhering to honesty, transparency, and consistency in political and social positions. This ensures that the Islamic society remains resilient against rumors and distortions spread by hypocrites.<br />Another approach is to raise public awareness and enhance critical thinking among individuals in society. The Holy Quran has emphasized the necessity of thinking, contemplation, and insight in dealing with social and political issues on numerous occasions. This approach protects society from the deceptions of hypocrites and prevents individuals from being influenced by propaganda and rumors.<br />Another important measure of the Quran is the transparent demarcation between hypocrisy and freedom of thought. Hypocrites typically attempt to justify their actions under the guise of free speech and thought; while the Quran, by drawing clear boundaries between hypocrisy and freedom of thought, deprives them of the opportunity to misuse these concepts. This delineation enables society to distinguish between constructive criticism and the deceptive schemes of hypocrites.<br />Strengthening empathy and social unity is also one of the key strategies of the Quran in combating hypocrisy. Hypocrites attempt to destroy social cohesion by creating divisions and distrust; in contrast, the Quran emphasizes the necessity of solidarity, cooperation, and unity among Muslims. This empathy and unity make the Islamic society resilient against the psychological wars of the hypocrites and increases its defensive power.<br />Implementing these measures has guided the Islamic society towards spiritual resilience and makes it resistant to the psychological wars of both internal and external enemies. Spiritual resilience refers to the society's ability to preserve its values, beliefs, and cultural cohesion in the face of external pressures and threats. This resilience not only ensures the psychological security of the society but also paves the way for cultural and political growth and advancement. تتناول هذه الدراسة - بالمنهج التفسيريّ الاجتهاديّ - إعادة معرفة ظاهرة النفاق السياسيّة - الثقافيّة بوصفها حرباً نفسيّةً منظّمةً، وتقديم سُبل مواجهتها من منظور القرآن الكريم. فالنفاق، باستثمار أدواتٍ مثل نشر الإشاعات، والتحريف المنظّم للحقائق، والازدواجيّة في القول، وإثارة الفتنة، يهدّد دعائم الأمن النفسي والتماسك الثقافي في المجتمع الإسلامي. ويقدّم القرآن الكريم هذه الظاهرة ليس بوصفها مجرّد انحرافٍ فرديّ، بل استراتيجيّةً هادفةً للتدمير من الداخل. يكمن السؤال الرئيس للبحث في كيفية تبيين القرآن الكريم للحرب النفسية التي يشنّها المنافقون، وما هي السبل التي يقدّمها لمواجهتها؟ وتؤكّد فرضيّة البحث على أنّ النفاق - من المنظور القرآنيّ - يُعدّ تهديداً منظّماً، وتوجد استراتيجيّات فعّالة للمواجهة تشمل الثبات في الخطابات السياسيّة، والتوعية والتحليل العقلانيّ، وترسيم حدودٍ واضحة بين النفاق والتفكير الحرّ، وتعزيز التعاطف والوحدة لمواجهة الحرب النفسيّة للمنافقين. إنّ تنفيذ هذه التدابير يقود المجتمع الإسلاميّ نحو المرونة الروحيّة، ويصونه ضدّ الحرب النفسيّة للأعداء الداخليّين والخارجيّين، ويعزّز التماسك الاجتماعيّ. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79733_f77f0bb7f18d777c419ff744c3764de2.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 Imam Husayn (AS), the Ontological Continuation of the Noble ‎Prophet (PBUH);A Five-Dimensional Examination of the ‎Luminescent-Historical Connection الإمام الحسين(ع): امتدادٌ وجوديٌّ للنبيِّ الأكرم| ‏تحليلٌ خماسيُ الأبعاد للارتباط النورانيِّ – التاريخيِّ 173 209 79885 10.22081/ipt.2026.74757.1063 AR علي اسدي أستاذ مساعد في معهد ثقافة ومعارف القرآن الکریم، المعهد العالي للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية، قم المقدسة، ‏إيران.‏ Journal Article 2026 05 19 Islam, as a comprehensive doctrinal-social system, has required, not only at the time of its establishment but also throughout its historical continuity, foundational mechanisms to preserve its authenticity, dynamism, and resilience against various forms of damage, including distortion and suspension. In this regard, analyzing the vital and sequential relationship between the central figures of this religion—especially the Noble Prophet (PBUH) as its founder and Imam Husayn (AS) as the third Imam of the Shi‘a—is among the central topics of Islamic research and can reveal the internal logic of Islam’s historicity.<br />Although some prior studies have occasionally pointed to moral commonalities or emotional affinity between these two figures, most lack a coherent theoretical framework capable of interpreting their deep and multilayered bond within an integrated analytical system. Therefore, the existing research gap concerns the absence of a conceptual model that can simultaneously explain the different dimensions of this relationship—from the biological and psychological to the epistemological, theological, and discursive—within a coherent whole, while also revealing the historical purpose and metaphysical wisdom of this connection.<br />This article seeks to explain the ontological relationship between Imam Husayn (AS) and the Noble Prophet (PBUH) and to show the continuity of this relationship in the event of Ashura. The main research question is that the relationship between these two central figures of Islam should not be limited merely to blood kinship, moral similarities, or the transmission of certain virtues; rather, it must be understood at a deeper level as an ontological and historical bond. Based on the assumption that the survival of Islam depends on internal mechanisms for preserving authenticity and resisting distortion and suspension, the author presents Imam Husayn (AS) as the ontological extension of the Prophet (PBUH) and the tangible manifestation of the “Muhammadan Reality” within the course of history. From this perspective, Ashura is not merely a tragic event, but a turning point in Islamic history in which prophetic truth becomes manifest through uprising, sacrifice, and steadfastness in the face of tyranny. The article seeks to show that understanding this ontological connection is essential for comprehending the philosophy of the Ashura uprising and the place of Imamate within the system of divine guardianship.<br />This research was conducted using a qualitative approach within a mystical-historical analytical framework. The author employs a combination of several analytical levels: textual analysis of religious sources such as hadiths, narrations, and accounts of martyrdom, a philosophical-mystical reading of foundational concepts such as the Muhammadan Reality and the Unity of Light, and the use of discourse analysis tools to extract the semantic and historical layers of the relationship between the Prophet (PBUH) and Imam Husayn (AS). Within this framework, the theory of “ontological extension” is proposed as the article’s main conceptual model; according to this model, Imam Husayn (AS) is not an isolated figure, but rather the continuation of the same prophetic truth at a critical stage in Islamic history. The article formulates this extension across five dimensions—biological-generational, psychological-ethical, epistemological, theological-divine destiny, and discursive-social—and provides historical and textual evidence for each.<br />Thus, the method of the article is not merely descriptive, but interpretive and structured, seeking to move from historical narration to ontological explanation.<br />The findings show that Imam Husayn (AS) can be understood within a multilayered network of connections with the Prophet (PBUH). At the biological and generational level, he is the continuation of the prophetic lineage; at the ethical and psychological level, he is the inheritor of the qualities and character of the Messenger of God; at the epistemological level, he is the bearer and interpreter of the same religious truth and guiding mission; at the theological and divine-decree level, his presence in history is meaningful in accordance with divine will and wisdom; and at the discursive and social level, his uprising reproduces the message of prophethood in the face of the structural deviation of Islamic society. Accordingly, in this article Ashura is understood as a decisive moment in Islamic history in which Muhammadan truth moves from the realm of speech and invitation to the realm of action, martyrdom, and the revitalization of religion. The author concludes that Imam Husayn (AS), as the “heir of Ahmad (PBUH),” was not only the guardian of the prophetic tradition, but also its reviver in a moment of crisis; therefore, the movement of Ashura is regarded as a mechanism for the internal renewal of Islam and the prevention of religious alienation.<br />In conclusion, the article focuses on the idea that Ashura cannot be explained solely on the basis of emotion, epic heroism, or martyrdom-seeking, but must be interpreted within the horizon of the philosophy of Islamic history and the framework of divine guardianship. In this horizon, Imam Husayn (AS), as the ontological extension of the Prophet (PBUH) is the intermediary link between the founding of Islam and its enduring permanence—a link that, through conscious martyrdom, saves the truth of religion from the danger of distortion and suspension and elevates it to a supratemporeal level. In this way, the article shows that understanding the ontological bond between the Prophet (PBUH) and Imam Husayn (AS) opens a new horizon both in explaining the status of Imamate and in analyzing the philosophy of the Ashura uprising. The final conclusion is that Ashura is not merely a historical event, but the history-making manifestation of the Muhammadan Reality, through which Islam returns, out of the heart of crisis, to its authentic and eternal life. يهدف هذا البحث إلى سدِّ الفجوة البحثية القائمة في تحليل العلاقة الوجودية بين النبي الأكرم| والإمام الحسين(ع)، متجاوزاً مجرد القرابة أو المشتركات الأخلاقية، ويقترح نظرية "الامتداد الوجودي" كإطار تحليلي متكامل. في هذه النظرية، لا يُعتبر الإمام الحسين(ع) شخصية مستقلة، بل استمراراً وجودياً وتجلِّياً تاريخياً للحقيقة النبوية، مبنيًا على خطة إلهية، وضرورة تاريخية لإنقاذ الإسلام من خطر الاغتراب الديني والتحريف.<br />السؤال الرئيس للبحث: «ما هي أبعاد هذا الامتداد وأسسه؟» وفرضيّته: «أنّ الإمام الحسين(ع) في خمسة أبعاد منظَّمة: البيولوجي-النسَلي، والنفسي-الأخلاقي، والمعرفي، والكلامي-التقديري، والخطابي-الاجتماعي، هو امتداد وجودي للنبي|؛ وأنّ نهضة عاشوراء - وهي ذروة هذا الامتداد- ليست مجرد مأساة، بل "آلية التجدد الداخلي" لدين الإسلام لاجتياز أزمة التحريف وضمان بقائه الأصيل».<br />يستخدم المقال منهجاً مختلطاً يشمل التحليل النصي للمصادر الدينية (آيات، روايات، مقاتل)، ومنهج تحليل الخطاب، وقراءة فلسفية-عرفانية، لتحليل هذه الأبعاد. أولاً، تُبيَّن الأسس الميتافيزيقية للامتداد وفق مفهوم "الوحدة النورية" و"الحقيقة المحمدية" في الحكمة المتعالية والعرفان النظري. في هذه الرؤية، تجلَّى النور النبوي الواحد في مظهرين تاريخيين بشؤون مختلفة (تأسيس وإحياء).<br />ثم تُحلَّل الأبعاد الخمسة للامتداد بالتفصيل:<br /><br />البعد البيولوجي-النسَلي: انتقال النور النبوي في سلسلة مقدسة من الأنبياء إلى الإمام الحسين(ع) بوصفه الوعاء الفيزيائي والتكويني لتلك الحقيقة.<br />البعد النفسي-الأخلاقي: التجسيد العيني "للخلق العظيم" النبوي وفضائل كالشجاعة والرحمة والصبر والكرامة في سلوك الإمام الحسين× في مشهد كربلاء.<br />البعد المعرفي: وراثة وتبيين "العلم اللدني" النبوي من قبل الإمام(ع)، مما حوَّل نهضة عاشوراء إلى حركة واعية قائمة على المعرفة الإلهية.<br />البعد الكلامي-التقديري: موقع الإمام(ع) كـ"حجة الله" في خطة إلهية لإنقاذ الدين، مما يرقى بعاشوراء من حدث سلبي إلى ضرورة تاريخية-تقديرية.<br />البعد الخطابي-الاجتماعي: إحياء الخطاب النبوي الأصيل القائم على الحق والمواجهة والمقاومة والمسؤولية، في مقابل الخطاب السلطوي المصلحي الأموي، وتجذيره في الذاكرة التاريخية للإسلام.<br /><br />أخيراً، تُحلَّل واقعة عاشوراء بـ"حكمة التاريخ" كنقطة تحوُّل تؤدي ثلاث وظائف كبرى: "إكمال التأسيس" و"التفسير الوجودي" و"العبور من الإسلام التاريخي إلى الإسلام السرمدي".<br />تؤكّد النتيجة العامة للمقال أن نظرية الامتداد الوجودي تُفسِّر نهضة الإمام الحسين(ع) كحلقة وصل ضرورية بين عصر النبوة وخلود الدين. كانت عاشوراء صدمة علاجية تاريخية، ومضادَّ حيويٍّ واهبٍ للحياة، عزَّز الجهاز المناعي للأمة الإسلامية إلى الأبد ضد الانحراف. من هذا المنظور، فإن دم الإمام(ع) ليس نهاية، بل بداية "لكتاب الإسلام الخالد". https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79885_1eb6bf211963d9b6ef2a3efadbdb4b6a.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 A Re-examination of the Political Identity of Imam Husayn (AS) ‎in the Prophetic Sira; A Discourse Analysis of Legitimation and ‎Resistance إعادة قراءة الهُويّة السياسية للإمام الحسين(ع) في السيرة النبويّة؛ ‏تحليلٌ لخطاب الشرعنة والمقاومة 210 235 79886 10.22081/ipt.2026.74758.1064 AR السید سجاد آل سید غفور باحث في معهد ثقافة ومعارف القرآن الکریم، المعهد العالي للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية، قم المقدسة، إيران.‏ Journal Article 2026 05 19 This research aims to reread and analyze the political identity of Imam Husayn (AS) as a socio-political actor within the framework of the Prophetic discourse and in opposition to the dominant Umayyad discourse. Focusing on the event of Ashura as a turning point in Islamic history, the study seeks to answer the central question: How can the political identity of Imam Husayn (AS) be understood as a continuation of and reliance upon the Sira (tradition) and discourse of the Prophet of Islam (PBUH)? Furthermore, what are the discursive elements that provide legitimacy and foster resistance within this identity? The hypothesis is based on the idea that the political identity of Imam Husayn (AS) is not an isolated phenomenon or merely a reaction to contemporary circumstances, but rather the objective manifestation and purposeful continuation of the Prophetic discourse in the realms of legitimation and resistance against deviation. This discourse stood in serious opposition to the Umayyads' hegemonic, worldly, and force-based discourse.<br />The research methodology of this study is discourse analysis with a socio-historical approach. The theoretical framework integrates the concepts of discourse, political identity, and legitimacy within the Islamic-Shiite intellectual tradition, as well as modern discourse studies. The research data primarily rely on authoritative historical and narrative texts (including both Sunni and Shiite sources) that report the sayings, letters, and stances of Imam Husayn (AS) from the period following Muawiyah’s death until the Day of Ashura, as well as the established Sunnah and Sira of the Prophet (PBUH). These data have been subjected to discourse analysis within the historical-political context of the era of Imamate.<br />The research findings indicate that Imam Husayn’s (AS) political discourse was based on three main pillars, all rooted in the Prophetic Sira:<br /><br />Legitimacy based on Divine Text (Nass) and Appointment: By citing the Hadith al-Thaqalayn, Hadith al-Manzila, and narrations concerning the Ahl al-Bayt (AS), the Imam asserted the legitimacy of himself and the Prophet’s family as the rightful successors of the Messenger of Allah (PBUH) and the religious and political authority of the Ummah. This stood in contrast to the tribal, usurpatory, and fraudulent legitimacy of the Umayyads.2. The Responsibility for Reforming the Ummah and "Enjoining the Good and Forbidding the Evil" (Amr bi al-Ma'ruf wa Nahy 'an al-Munkar): Imam Husayn (AS) defined his uprising not as a rebellion for power, but as a reformist movement within his grandfather's Ummah. Referring to the Prophet's (PBUH) tradition of establishing justice and confronting oppression, he viewed himself as the embodiment of enjoining the good and forbidding the evil in a situation where the corruption of Yazid's government threatened the very foundations of Islam. 3. Resistance and Martyrdom as an Identity-Building and Revitalizing Strategy: In a situation where successful armed resistance was not feasible due to a lack of sufficient public support, the Imam—aware of the tradition of struggle and patience of the prophets and saints—chose the strategy of conscious martyrdom. In his discourse, this choice was not a defeat, but the pinnacle of resistance against falsehood and a tool for exposing the true face of the Umayyad government and awakening the public conscience.<br /><br />Consequently, this article demonstrates that the political identity of Imam Husayn (AS) must be understood in discursive continuity with the Prophetic Sira. His discourse was resistance-oriented and identity-conferring, redefining key concepts such as legitimacy, the responsibility of leadership, the duty of reform, and the meaning of resistance under difficult circumstances by utilizing the symbolic capital of the Prophet (PBUH). This discourse stood in total opposition to the prevailing discourse of hegemony, fear, and passivity. By transforming a military defeat into a discursive and moral victory, it created a paradigmatic model for resistance in Islamic history and beyond. Therefore, Ashura is not merely a tragic historical incident, but an arena for the emergence and confrontation of two entirely conflicting discourses in Islamic history, in which the authentic Prophetic discourse, led by Imam Husayn (AS), established and immortalized itself as the legitimate and identity-forming discourse by choosing martyrdom. يهدف هذا البحثُ إلى إعادةِ قراءةِ هُويَّةِ الإمامِ الحسين(ع) ودورِهِ السياسيِّ مِن خلال الخطابِ النَّظريّ والعمليّ للنَّبيّ الأكرم|. وباستخدام منهج تحليل الخطاب في إطار خطاب الهَيمَنَة والاستراتيجيَّة الاشتراكيَّة عندَ «لاكلاو» و«مُوف»، وبالاستناد إلى أقدم المصادرِ التَّاريخيَّةِ والحديثيَّةِ الأصيلة للفريقَيْن (السنة والشيعة)، يُستدَلُّ على أنّ النَّبيَّ| ومن خلال عمليَّةٍ خطابيَّةٍ منهجيَّةٍ، لم يَقتصرْ على تبيين مكانتِهِ الرُّوحيَّة فحسب، بل أوضحَ وأكَّدَ على شأنِهِ السياسيِّ وقيادته الاجتماعيَّة بوصفِهِ الخليفةَ الشّرعي. إنّ المفاهيم الأساسيَّة مثل «الحُسَينُ مِنّي»، و«سيِّدُ شَبابِ أهلِ الجَنَّة»، والتَّنبُّؤَ بواقِعة عاشوراء، إلى جانب حديثِ الثَّقَلَيْن، لم تكُنْ مُجرَّدَ تعبيرٍ عن الفضائل الخُلُقيَّة فحسب، بل هي مُكوِّناتُ خطابٍ مُشَرْعِنٍ لإمامةٍ تتحمَّلُ مسؤوليَّة هداية المجتمَع والمقاومَةِ في وجْهِ الانحرافِ السِّياسيِّ.<br />تُظْهِرُ النتائِجُ أنّ ثَوْرَةَ عاشوراءَ لا يُمكِنُ تفسيرُها على أنَّها رَدُّ فِعلٍ عاطفيٍّ بحتٍ أو حدثٍ عارِضٍ، بل يجبُ النَّظرُ إليها بِاعتبارها تَجسيدًا وتنفيذًا لذلك الدَّور السِّياسيّ الذي كانَ قد رُسِمَ للإمام الحسين(ع) في الخطاب النَّبويّ مُنذُ البداية. يَختِمُ هذا البحثُ بتقديمِ نَمَط المقاومة المستَنِدَة إلى الشّرعيّة الإلهيَّة كإرثٍ سياسيٍّ بارزٍ خلَّفَتْهُ السِّيرةُ النّبوية. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79886_d566f47fda37414bafd1aab56f04b0d0.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 The Impact of the Ashura Revolution on Preserving the Religion of Islam and the Sunnah of the ‎Noble Prophet : An Analytical Study in Light of Imam Husayn’s (AS) Will أثر ثورة عاشوراء في حفظ دين الإسلام وسنّة النبي الأكرم(ص): ‏دراسة تحليلية في ضوء وصية الإمام الحسين(ع) 236 271 79887 10.22081/ipt.2026.74759.1065 AR علی نیکوکار أستاذ في جامعة المصطفى(ع) العالمية ،قُم المُقدَّسة، إيران. Journal Article 2026 05 19 This study examines the impact of the Ashura revolution on preserving the religion of Islam and safeguarding the Sunnah (tradition) of the Noble Prophet (PBUH), in light of Imam Husayn’s (AS) will (wasiyya) as a foundational document that defines the objectives of the Husayni uprising and its doctrinal and reformative dimensions. The research aims to elucidate how the Husayni revolution contributed to confronting religious and political deviation, re-establishing authentic Prophetic values, and reviving the duty of "Enjoining the Good and Forbidding the Evil" as a guarantee for the survival and efficacy of the faith.<br />The research problem stems from the question: To what extent did the Ashura revolution, in accordance with the Husayni will, contribute to preserving the religion and the Prophetic Sunnah? What are the intellectual and legal mechanisms adopted by Imam Husayn (AS) to achieve this goal? The study employs an analytical-deductive approach to examine the text of the will and analyze its doctrinal, educational, and legislative contents, linking them to the historical context of the event of Ashura. Additionally, it uses a descriptive approach to trace the impact of the Husayni uprising in preserving the religion and the Sunnah across generations.<br />The scientific significance of this study lies in its focus on the Husayni will as an independent methodological document that explains the reformative dimension of the revolution, moving beyond a mere historical narration of events, thereby allowing a new reading of the role of Ashura in preserving authentic Muhammadan Islam.<br />The study concludes that the Ashura revolution constituted a conscious reform project that contributed to protecting religion from distortion, safeguarding the Prophetic Sunnah from authoritarian exploitation, establishing the standard of Truth in the face of deviated power, and reviving the duty of Enjoining the Good and Forbidding the Evil. Thus, Ashura remains an eternal model for the continuity of the Message and the preservation of authentic Islamic values.<br />Imam Husayn’s (AS) will demonstrated that the core objective of the revolution was to confront internal deviations within the religion and prevent the ruling power of that time from using Islam as a tool to justify injustice and tyranny, while establishing the Prophetic and Alid Sira (biography/tradition) as a constant measure of truth. The results confirmed that total commitment to the Sira of the Noble Prophet (PBUH) and the Commander of the Faithful, Ali ibn Abi Talib (AS), was the primary doctrinal pillar of the revolution, which corrected the standards of governance and religious conduct in the Ummah. This led to the revival of the duty of Enjoining the Good and Forbidding the Evil, moving it from mere theory to effective practical application, considering field-based action and practical reform an integral part of the Prophetic mission in preserving the religion.<br />The study also showed that the Ashura revolution established a fundamental rule: "Truth alone is the criterion for acceptance or rejection," rather than force or numerical superiority. This directly contributed to safeguarding the Prophetic Sunnah from political maneuvering and highlighted the role of patience and trust in God as guarantees for the message's continuity and the completion of the reform project. It clarified that the continuation of the Message and the preservation of religion require steadfastness and sacrifice, making the Ashura revolution an eternal educational and moral model from which noble values are inspired in the face of all forms of injustice and deviation.<br />In the same context, the results showed that the Husayni revolution left a deep and continuous impact on Islamic consciousness across generations, contributing to the consolidation of Islamic values and the principles of sacrifice and justice as practical tools for preserving the Divine Message, while strengthening the cultural and social model of the Islamic Ummah against political and social deviations.<br />The research highlighted the depth of the philosophy of Imam Husayn’s (AS) revolution and its pivotal role in safeguarding the Muhammadan Message, summarizing this in essential points:<br /><br />Separation of Religion from [Tyrannical] Authority: The revolution stripped away the "alleged sanctity" of the unjust ruler and re-established the criterion of truth based on Prophetic values rather than positions of influence and tyranny.<br />Preservation of Creed: The Ashura revolution corrected the intellectual path of the Ummah and prevented the distortion of religion, confirming that it was a comprehensive reform project rather than a transient political conflict.<br />Adherence to Prophetic Sira: Adopting the path of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) as a natural extension of the Prophet’s (PBUH) tradition, as stated in Imam Husayn’s (AS) words: "I follow the Sira of my grandfather and my father."<br />Patience and Trust in God: Considering these two elements as strategic tools to ensure the continuity of the message and to prevent the light of Truth from being extinguished.<br />Enjoining the Good and Forbidding the Evil: The Ashura revolution embodied an integrated civilizational model that applied the Quranic value system in its loftiest forms.<br />This discourse clearly shows that the Ashura revolution was not just a historical event. Rather, it is a comprehensive revolution and a blazing flame that has illuminated the path of the free in confronting authoritarian deviation and religious distortion throughout the ages.<br /><br />In conclusion, the study confirmed that the Ashura revolution is not a limited historical event, but an ongoing project of life that reflects Imam Husayn’s (AS) ability to preserve religion and safeguard the Sunnah, while re-establishing the moral and social standards of the Ummah. Its impact remains alive and influential across the ages, serving as a fundamental reference for the Ummah in confronting any future deviation or injustice. تتناول هذه الدراسة أثر ثورة عاشوراء في حفظ دين الإسلام وصيانة سنّة النبي الأكرم(ص) في ضوء وصية الإمام الحسين(ع) بوصفها وثيقة تأسيسية تحدد أهداف النهضة الحسينية وأبعادها العقدية والإصلاحية، ويهدف البحث إلى بيان الكيفية التي أسهمت بها الثورة الحسينية في مواجهة الانحراف الديني والسياسي، وإعادة ترسيخ القيم النبوية الأصيلة، وإحياء فريضة الأمر بالمعروف والنهي عن المنكر باعتبارها ضمانة لبقاء الدين وفاعليته.<br />تنطلق إشكالية البحث من التساؤل حول مدى إسهام ثورة عاشوراء وفق الوصية الحسينية في حفظ الدين والسنّة النبوية، والآليات الفكرية والشرعية التي اعتمدها الإمام الحسين(ع) لتحقيق هذا الهدف، يعتمد البحث على المنهج التحليلي الاستنباطي في دراسة نص الوصية، وتحليل مضامينها العقدية والتربوية والتشريعية، وربطها بالسياق التاريخي لواقعة عاشوراء، إضافةً إلى المنهج الوصفي في تتبّع أثر النهضة الحسينية في الحفاظ على الدين والسنّة عبر الأجيال.<br />تنبع أهمية الدراسة العلمية في هذا البحث في تركيزها على الوصية الحسينية بوصفها وثيقة منهجية مستقلة توضح البعد الإصلاحي للثورة، بعيداً عن الاقتصار على السرد التاريخي للأحداث، مما يتيح قراءة جديدة لدور ثورة عاشوراء في حفظ الإسلام المحمدي الأصيل.<br />تخلص الدراسة إلى أنَّ ثورة عاشوراء شكّلت مشروعاً إصلاحياً واعياً أسهم في حماية الدين من التحريف، وصيانة السنّة النبوية من التوظيف السلطوي، وترسيخ معيار الحق في مواجهة السلطة المنحرفة، وإحياء فريضة الأمر بالمعروف والنهي عن المنكر، لتبقى عاشوراء نموذجاً خالداً في استمرار الرسالة وحفظ القيم الإسلامية الأصيلة. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79887_32cbf795814f9742d794f236b7825ed5.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 The Imam Husayn (AS) as the Heir of the Prophet’s (PBUH) Guidance; A Discourse-Semiological Analysis of the Ziyarat “Warith” الإمام الحسين(ع) وارث هداية النبي(ص): ‏تحليل خطابي - سيميولوجي لزيارة «وارث»‏ 272 306 79888 10.22081/ipt.2026.74760.1066 AR حسین رجائی راد ماجستير في علوم الاتصال، جامعة العلامة الطباطبائي، طهران، إیران.‏ Journal Article 2026 05 19 This study belongs to the interdisciplinary field of cultural studies and communication, and aims to analyze religious discourse from a semiological-mythological perspective based on the theoretical propositions of structuralism, Ferdinand de Saussure’s semiology, Roland Barthes’ mythology, and Michel Foucault’s concept of discourse. Its central text is the Ziyarat “Warith” dedicated to Imam Husayn (AS), regarded as a Shi‘i devotional text that addresses the Imam as the heir of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The study begins from key questions: Can the Ziyarat “Warith” be read within a semantic structure through semiological analysis and alongside other religious texts such as the Qur’an? Do the phrases of the ziyarat carry implicit meanings and mythic functions in presenting Imam Husayn’s (AS) inheritance of the Prophet’s (PBUH) guidance? And can these expressions construct a discourse that establishes the eternal struggle between truth and falsehood? The importance of the research lies in the fact that it offers an unprecedented approach; according to the researcher’s review, no semiological-mythological study of Ziyarat “Warith” had previously been conducted, while earlier works had focused on interpretation, explanation, or the derivation of Qur’anic foundations.<br />The research adopted a descriptive-analytical method, using purposive samples of phrases from the ziyarat that possess prominent rhetorical and metaphorical dimensions and are suitable for semiological analysis. Three operational frameworks were employed: first, Saussure’s mechanism of the horizontal axis (association/opposition) and vertical axis (substitution), whereby the linguistic signifiers of the ziyarat were placed alongside signifiers from the Qur’an and narrations in order to understand meaning through differential and oppositional relations. Second, Roland Barthes’ model of the progression of signification from the direct level (denotation) to the implicit level (cultural-symbolic) and then to the mythic level, which carries major cultural concepts and makes them appear natural and self-evident. Third, Foucault’s concept of discourse, which views discourse as a semantic system that organizes meanings through binary divisions (good/evil, truth/falsehood, light/darkness) and grants legitimacy to some meanings while marginalizing others. The theoretical framework was based on three axes: the concept of material and spiritual inheritance; the Qur’anic foundations of Ziyarat “Warith” as presented by Mohsen Qara’ati and Jalmasi Kubani through comparing the sections of the ziyarat with Qur’anic verses; and the view of Imam Musa al-Sadr regarding the permanent struggle between truth and falsehood and the removal of the event of Ashura from its merely temporal framework.<br />The study revealed a set of interrelated findings:<br />Qur’anic foundations of inheritance and the mechanism of meaning generation: Semiological analysis, by placing the phrases of the ziyarat in a horizontal relation with Qur’anic verses, showed that the title “Warith” is not to be understood in its literal material sense (ownership of the objects, books, or material belongings of the prophets), but rather as inheritance of concepts, stations, virtues, and aims. The description of Imam Husayn (AS) as “the heir of Adam, the chosen one of God” corresponded to the verse of divine vicegerency (al-Baqarah 2:30), the verse of teaching the names (al-Baqarah 2:31), and the inheritance of the spirit breathed into man (Sad 38:72), while the description of him as “the heir of Noah, the Prophet of God” corresponded to his being the “Ark of Salvation” as narrated from him, thereby producing the meaning of inheriting the divine station of deliverance from the flood of ignorance and misguidance. Similarly, the inheritance from Abraham, the Friend of God, was matched with the verse of seeking inner reassurance (al-Baqarah 2:260), the verse of certainty (al-An‘am 6:75), and the phrase of the ziyarat “until certainty came to you,” forming the meaning of inheriting the station of tranquility and certainty. Likewise, the inheritance from Moses, the interlocutor of God, corresponded to the verse describing his departure fearfully and watchfully from the wrongdoers (al-Qasas 28:21), producing the meaning of inheriting the struggle against injustice; and the inheritance from Jesus, the Spirit of God, corresponded to the verse about his seeking aid from the disciples (al-Saff 61:14), which parallels Husayn’s cry on the Day of Ashura: “Is there anyone to help me?” thus forming the meaning of inheriting the mission of guiding humanity through call and divine support.<br />Thus, inheritance became the continuation of the prophets’ path in guiding people from darkness into light.<br />The mythic function of oppositional binaries: The ziyarat uses mythic binaries (light/darkness, purity/impurity, truth/falsehood, peace/curse) that grant Imam Husayn’s (AS) uprising an eternal and timeless dimension beyond the year 61 AH. The phrase “the ignorance of Jahiliyya did not soil you with its impurity” acquires its meaning through its contrast with “a light in the lofty loins,” whereby impurity shifts from a material sense to an abstract concept opposed to guiding light associated with pure, elevated lineages, creating a myth of eternal purity connected to the chain of prophets. Similarly, the word “light” moves from its explicit meaning (illumination) to an implicit meaning of guidance and direction, thereby performing a mythic function in expressing the summit of spiritual felicity. The phrase “the avenger of God” is read implicitly as the offering of the heart’s very essence and the last drop of blood in the path of God. This is also evoked by other expressions such as in Ziyarat al-Arba‘in: “and he gave his innermost soul for You,” thereby becoming a signifier of the sublimity of the person, such that none can avenge him except God.<br />Creation of a religious and exclusionary discourse: The discourse analysis showed that the phrases of cursing directed at “the community that killed you,” “the community that wronged you,” and “the community that heard of this and approved of it” do not refer to specific groups in a temporal or geographical sense. Rather, they remove the word “community” from its historical denotation and give it a broad, non-temporal meaning: any group that stands in the camp of evil, oppression, and approval of injustice. In the differential relation, those who walk the path of Husayn (AS) belong to the camp of good and truth. This binary division (followers of truth / followers of falsehood) creates a discourse that organizes meaningful religious speech about devotion and disavowal, granting legitimacy to the meanings of goodness and purity while marginalizing the meanings of evil and impurity. This discourse is further supported by the enduring formulas of disavowal found in the narrated ziyarat texts (“until the Day of Resurrection,” “forever so long as I live and so long as night and day remain”), which extend the struggle from pre-eternity to forever and present Imam Husayn (AS) as the continuation of the religion of the Prophet (PBUH).<br />The research concluded that Ziyarat “Warith” is a cultural text eminently amenable to semiological analysis. By placing its linguistic signs alongside the Qur’an and narrations along the axes of syntagmatic combination and paradigmatic substitution, a semantic structure emerges showing that Imam Husayn (AS) is the heir of the Prophet’s (PBUH) guidance—not in the sense of material ownership, but through inheriting the stations, aims, virtues, and knowledge of the prophets. Using mythic binaries, the ziyarat produces a religious discourse that divides meanings and practices into good and evil, purity and impurity, light and darkness; it excludes falsehood and confers legitimacy on truth. This discourse gives the event of Ashura an eternal and timeless character, making it present in the collective unconscious of followers across the ages, and establishes Imam Husayn (AS) as the continuation of the Prophet’s religion and the heir to the prophetic path in the enduring struggle between truth and falsehood. In this way, on its mythic level, the ziyarat functions as a mechanism for producing religiosity and shaping sectarian identity through discursive structures that ensure its continuity. تغطي الدراسات الثقافية والاتصال نطاقًا واسعًا من الموضوعات المتعددة التخصصات. الدين والثقافة والاتصال من بين هذه الموضوعات البحثية. يعد تحليل النصوص الدينية مثل القرآن والروايات وزيارات أهل البيت(ع) أحد مجالات البحث في الدراسات الدينية. الأسئلة الرئيسية للبحث هي: 1. هل يمكن قراءة زيارة "وارث" للإمام الحسين× بالتحليل السيميولوجي وإلى جانب النصوص الدينية الأخرى مثل القرآن، ضمن بنية دلالية؟ 2. هل تحمل بعض مفاهيم وعبارات زيارة "وارث" معنى ضمنيًا ووظيفة أسطورية لعرض وراثة الإمام الحسين لهداية النبي الأکرم(ص)؟ 3. هل تستطيع عبارات زيارة "وارث" خلق خطاب في عرض تسلسل لا نهائي للصراع بين الحق والباطل؟<br />تتناول هذه الدراسة، بالمنهج الوصفي-التحليلي وبأخذ عينات هادفة، تحليل عبارات من زيارة "وارث" للإمام الحسين×. الإطار النظري لهذا التحليل يشمل الأسس القرآنية لزيارة "وارث" من منظور «محسن قرائتي» و«مجلسي كوباني»، ورؤية «الإمام موسى الصدر» حول الصراع الدائم بين الحق والباطل، ورؤى حول الميراث المادي والمعنوي. كما تم استخدام نظرية البنيوية، والمنهج السيميولوجي لـ«سوسور»، ومنهج الأسطورية (الميثولوجيا) لـ«رولان بارت»، ومفهوم الخطاب عند «فوكو» لإجراء التحليل. تظهر نتائج البحث أن: 1. زيارة "وارث" لها أسس قرآنية ويمكن تحليلها سيميولوجيًا. 2. استخدام الثنائيات الأسطورية في هذه الزيارة يمنح قيام الإمام الحسين(ع) بُعدًا أزليًا وأبديًا. 3. تؤسس زيارة "وارث"، عبر خلق ثنائيات متضادة، خطابًا دينيًا لأتباع الدين يُظهر الإمام الحسين كامتداد لدين النبي. 4. يُفهم مفهوم الوراثة في هذا النص، ليس بمعنى التملك المادي، بل بوصفه وارثًا للمفاهيم وأهداف الكتب السماوية ومنزلة الأنبياء وفضائلهم، وبناءً على ذلك يُعتبر الإمام الحسين(ع) وارثًا لهداية النبي(ص). https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79888_4fe1365bb1a63f0336fb0cfdf9bdf107.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 Jewish Communities of the Hijaz and the Prophetic Government ‎in Early Islam: From Soft War to Hard Confrontation يهود الحجاز والدولة النبويّة في صدر الإسلام؛ ‏من الحرب الناعمة إلى المواجهة المسلحة 307 350 79889 10.22081/ipt.2026.74761.1067 AR محمد باقري صدرا أستاذ مدعو في «جامعة المصطفى العالمية» و«جامعة القرآن والحديث»، قـم المقدّسة، إیران Journal Article 2026 05 19 The relationship between the emerging Prophetic government and the Jewish communities residing in the Hijaz, especially in Medina, is considered one of the most complex and, at the same time, most instructive chapters in the history of early Islam. This study analyzes the evolution of these relations, from an initial peaceful coexistence to a series of severe military confrontations that led to the expulsion and political elimination of the three main Jewish tribes (Banu Qaynuqa, Banu Nadir, and Banu Qurayza) from Medina. The main challenge in analyzing this period is to accurately understand the transition from peace to war and to explain the nature of these conflicts. In order to move beyond two reductive views—one that accuses Islam of inherent anti-Semitism and another that oversimplifies the events as an inevitable religious war—this article analyzes the process within the conceptual framework of “from soft war to hard confrontation.” This analytical model allows us to distinguish the various stages of this conflict and to show how non-military actions in the ideological, psychological, and economic spheres gradually created the conditions for military confrontation. The significance of this research lies in offering a multi-dimensional, context-based narrative that helps achieve a more accurate understanding of the Qur’anic verses and the Prophetic sira, while preventing inaccurate and ahistorical generalizations.<br />The main objective of this study is to explain and analyze the staged transformation of the relationship between the Prophetic government and the Jewish tribes of Medina based on the conceptual model of “soft war to hard confrontation.” In line with this objective, the research seeks to answer the following questions:<br /><br />What are the main stages of this transformation from peace to military confrontation? 2. What were the specific dimensions and manifestations of the Jews’ soft war against the Islamic community? 3. What countermeasures did the Holy Qur’an and the Prophetic sira adopt to confront this soft war? 4. What factors led to the transition from soft war to hard confrontation? 5. What was the governing logic behind the military confrontations with the three tribes, and did these confrontations have a political-security nature or a religious-ethnic one?<br /><br />The main hypothesis of the research is based on the proposition that the confrontation between the Noble Prophet (PBUH) and the Jewish tribes of Medina was not a religious war, but rather a staged political-security response to breaches of covenant and existential threats that escalated from the level of “soft war” to “military betrayal.”<br />In terms of purpose, this research is basic-applied and employs a descriptive-analytical method within a qualitative approach. In this method, historical events are first described based on primary sources and then examined within the framework of the research model. The data collection method is library and documentary research, relying on three categories of sources:<br /><br />Classical primary sources: the Holy Qur’an, valid commentaries (such as Al-Mizan and Jami‘ al-Bayan), sira works (such as the Sira of Ibn Hisham), and Maghazi literature (such as al-Maghazi by al-Waqidi); 2. Contemporary research by Muslim and non-Muslim historians and thinkers; 3. The author’s previous research in this field.<br /><br />The data analysis method is based on historical and contextual interpretation of Qur’anic verses and qualitative content analysis of historical texts in order to extract behavioral patterns and the strategies of the two sides.<br />The findings of this research indicate that:<br /><br />A coexistence-based beginning: The starting point of relations between the Prophet (PBUH) and the Jews was the “Constitution of Medina,” a progressive legal framework for peaceful coexistence, religious freedom, and mutual defense, reflecting Islam’s peaceful and pluralistic approach.<br />Soft war as a factor of erosion: After the Battle of Badr, some Jewish groups launched a comprehensive “soft war” on ideological (sowing doubt), psychological (mockery), and economic (financial pressure) fronts, which eroded the atmosphere of trust.<br />Counter-strategies: The Qur’an and the Prophetic sira responded to this war with a dual strategy: on the one hand, rational answers to doubts, and on the other, counter-psychological operations (such as historical exposure and challenging claims).<br />Betrayal as a turning point: The shift to “hard confrontation” occurred when Jewish actions turned into direct security threats. These threats included internal rebellion (Banu Qaynuqa), a conspiracy to assassinate the head of the government (Banu Nadir), and military betrayal during war (Banu Qurayza), all of which constituted a clear breach of covenant and amounted to a declaration of war.<br />The fair and differentiating approach of the Qur’an: One of the most important findings is the Qur’an’s approach of distinguishing between different groups among the People of the Book. By praising righteous Jews and criticizing covenant-breakers, the Qur’an shows that its critique is “attribute-based,” not “ethnicity-based.”<br /><br />The Prophetic government and the Jewish tribes of Medina were predominantly political-security in nature, and the Prophet’s response was a reaction to treaty violations and betrayal at critical historical junctures, not an inherently religious war. The course of developments shows that the Noble Prophet (PBUH) behaved with patience and tolerance as long as coexistence remained possible, but when confronted with existential threats that endangered the security of society, he acted decisively as a political leader. The main implication of this research is that the events of early Islam must be analyzed through a historical and contextual lens, and that extending the ruling applicable to one treaty-breaking group to an entire religion is a methodological error. This conclusion, while defending the just Prophetic conduct, paves the way for constructive interfaith dialogue and helps prevent the misuse of sacred texts for contemporary political purposes.<br />For future research, it is recommended that comparative studies be conducted between the “Constitution of Medina” and other ancient legal charters, along with more precise economic analyses of financial competition in Medina. تُعدّ العلاقة بين الدولة النبويّة الناشئة والمجتمعات اليهودية في الحجاز، وبالأخص في المدينة المنورة، من أكثر فصول تاريخ صدر الإسلام تعقيدًا وفي الوقت نفسه، أكثرها عِبرةً وفائدة. يتناول هذا البحث تحليل مسار تطور هذه العلاقات، من التعايش السلمي الأولي الذي تبلور في «صحيفة المدينة»، مرورًا بسلسلة من الصراعات العسكرية الشديدة التي أسفرت عن إجلاء وإقصاء سياسي للقبائل اليهودية الرئيسية الثلاثة (بني القينقاع، وبني النضير، وبني قريظة) من واقع المدينة المنورة. يكمن التحدي الرئيسي في تحليل هذه الحقبة في الفهم الدقيق للانتقال من السلم إلى الحرب وتفسير طبيعة هذه المواجهات. فهذا البحث ومن خلال تجاوزه للنظرتين الاختزاليتين (إحداهما تتهم الإسلام بـ «معاداة السامية الذاتية»، والأخرى تختزل الأحداث في حرب دينية حتمية) یحاول لتحليل هذا الانتقال من «الحرب الناعمة» إلى «المواجهة الصلبة»، فيسعى البحث في سياق هذا الهدف، للإجابة عن أسئلة، منها:<br /><br />ما هي المراحل الرئيسية للتحول من السلم إلى المواجهة العسكرية؟ و ما هي العوامل التي أدت إلى الانتقال من الحرب الناعمة إلى المواجهة الصلبة؟<br />ما هي أبعاد ومصاديق الحرب الناعمة التي شنها اليهود ضد المجتمع الإسلامي؟<br /><br />ما هي الاستراتيجيات المضادة التي اتخذها القرآن الكريم والسيرة النبويّة لمواجهة هذه الحرب الناعمة؟<br />تستند الفرضية الرئيسية للبحث إلى المقولة التالية: إن مواجهة النبي| القبائل اليهودية في المدينة لم تكن حربًا دينية، بل كانت رد فعل سياسي- أمني ومرحليّ على نقض العهود والتهديدات الوجودية التي تصاعدت من مستوى «الحرب الناعمة» إلى «الخيانة العسكرية». هذا البحث، من حيث الهدف، يعد أساسيًا- تطبيقيًا، ويعتمد بمنهج نوعي على الأسلوب الوصفي- التحليلي. ففي هذا الأسلوب، يتم أولاً وصف الأحداث التاريخية بالاستناد إلى المصادر الأولية، ومن ثم تحليلها في إطار النموذج المفاهيمي للبحث. تكمن أداة جمع البيانات هي الأسلوب المكتبي والتوثيقي، الذي يرتكز على ثلاث فئات من المصادر: 1. المصادر الأولية الكلاسيكية (القرآن الكريم، التفاسير المعتمدة كـ <em>الميزان</em> و<em>جامع البيان</em>، كتب السيرة مثل <em>سيرة ابن هشام</em>، وكتب المغازي نحو <em>مغازي الواقدي</em>)؛ 2. البحوث المعاصرة لمؤرخين ومفكرين مسلمين وغير مسلمين؛ و3. الدراسات السابقة للكاتب في هذا المجال. تعتمد طريقة تحليل البيانات على التفسير التاريخي والسياقي للآيات القرآنية والتحليل النوعي لمحتوى النصوص التاريخية لاستخراج الأنماط السلوكية واستراتيجيات الطرفين.<br />نتائج البحث هي كما يلي:<br /><br />كانت نقطة انطلاق العلاقات هي «صحيفة المدينة»؛ وهي إطار قانوني متطور للتعايش السلمي والحرية الدينية والدفاع المشترك، مما يعكس النهج السلمي والتعددي للإسلام.<br />بعد غزوة بدر، شرعت بعض الجماعات اليهودية في شن «حرب ناعمة» شاملة على جبهات عقائدية (بث الشبهات)، ونفسيّة (الاستهزاء)، واقتصادية (الضغط المالي).<br />واجه القرآن الكريم والسيرة النبويّة هذه الحرب باستراتيجية مزدوجة: من خلال الردود العقلانية على الشبهات من جهة، ومن خلال عمليات نفسية مضادة من جهة أخرى.<br />حدث الانتقال إلى «المواجهة الصلبة» عندما تحولت أفعال اليهود إلى تهديدات أمنية مباشرة، من العصيان الداخلي ومؤامرة اغتيال قائد الدولة والخيانة العسكرية زمن الحرب.<br /><br />ومن أهم النتائج التي تم التوصل إليها هو النهج القرآني في التمييز بين مختلف فئات أهل الكتاب، الصالحين منهم والناقضين لعهودهم؛ فيبين أن نقده قائم على الوصف لا على القومية.<br />وفي الختام، يتوصل هذا البحث إلى أن الصراعات التي نشأت بين الحكم النبوي والقبائل اليهودية كانت ذات طبيعة سياسية- أمنية في المقام الأول، وأنها كانت بمثابة ردود أفعال على نقض المواثيق والخيانة، ولم تكن حرباً دينية متأصلة. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79889_295a4f356035bf8c7f892fbb4d9ae2e9.pdf

المعهد العالی للعلوم والثقافة الإسلامية الفکر السیاسي الاسلامي 2783-2015 5 2 2025 01 01 The Current of Distortion and Orientalist Efforts to Distort ‎Islam and the Qur’an تحریف الإسلام في الدراسات الاستشراقیة: ‏تحلیل نقدي لادعاءات المستشرقین حول النصوص الإسلامیة 351 383 79895 10.22081/ipt.2026.74770.1073 AR حسن صدرازاده باحث العلوم الدینية في الحوزة العلمیة، قـم المقدسة، إیران.‏ Journal Article 2026 05 20 Orientalist studies are among the most prominent intellectual phenomena that have shaped the Western view of Islam and its sacred texts. These studies have taken multiple forms, ranging from purely academic research to approaches with political, missionary, or colonial dimensions. Among the most controversial issues raised in orientalist writings is the claim that the Qur’an has been altered, along with doubts cast on the integrity and historical authenticity of the Qur’anic text. A number of Orientalists, such as Theodor Nöldeke, Ignaz Goldziher, and Régis Blachère, attempted to advance hypotheses claiming that the Qur’anic text had undergone changes, additions, or omissions, or that it was influenced by Jewish and Christian texts, relying on Western critical methods or on weak and selective reports from the Islamic tradition.<br />The importance of this study lies in the fact that it sheds light on the intellectual and ideological dimension of distortion-oriented currents in orientalist scholarship, and reveals their impact on the distortion of Islam’s image, the weakening of Islamic identity, and the spread of negative stereotypes about Muslims in Western thought. The study also seeks to highlight the scholarly efforts made by Muslim scholars in responding to these claims and proving the Qur’an’s freedom from any alteration or corruption, on the basis of transmitted, rational, and historical evidence.<br />The research problem lies in asking about the nature of the claims made by Orientalists regarding the distortion of the Qur’an, the intellectual and political objectives behind them, and the extent of their influence on the Western understanding of Islam and on the awareness of contemporary Muslim generations. Accordingly, the study aims to critically analyze these claims, clarify their intellectual foundations, evaluate their scholarly methods, and expose their weaknesses and contradictions.<br />The study relied on a critical comparative analytical method, tracing the most prominent orientalist claims related to the distortion of the Qur’an, analyzing their intellectual and historical content, and comparing them with authentic Islamic sources and the views of Muslim scholars from different Islamic schools. The research also analyzed orientalist texts dealing with the history of the Qur’an, its compilation, and its readings, with special focus on the writings of Nöldeke, Goldziher, Blachère, and other Orientalists who raised doubts about the Qur’anic text.<br />The study also drew on a review of a number of classical and contemporary Islamic sources in Qur’anic studies, exegesis, and the history of the codification of the Qur’an, such as Al-Mizan by Allama Tabataba’i, Manahel al-‘Irfan by al-Zarqani, and The Preservation of the Qur’an from Distortion by Shaykh Muhammad Hadi Ma‘rifat, in addition to modern studies dealing with the critique of orientalism and the analysis of its intellectual and political backgrounds.<br />The study was divided into main sections dealing with the concept of distortion and orientalism, the history of the emergence of distortion claims, the intellectual and political motives of the Orientalists, and then an exposition of the most prominent doubts raised about the Qur’an, together with an analysis of the scholarly responses offered by Muslim scholars. The study also paid special attention to the historical and cultural contexts in which these claims emerged, in order to understand their relationship to Western colonial and cultural projects.<br />The study showed that many of the Orientalists’ claims about the distortion of the Qur’an are not based on rigorous scientific evidence, but are largely grounded in speculative assumptions, weakly transmitted reports, or selective readings of Islamic texts outside their historical and scholarly contexts. It also became clear that a number of Orientalists approached the Qur’an through a methodology influenced by the Western background in biblical criticism, projecting the historical experience of the corruption of the Torah and the Gospel onto the Qur’anic text, while ignoring the Qur’an’s unique characteristics in terms of preservation and oral and written transmission.<br />The study revealed that skepticism regarding the compilation of the Qur’an and the standardization of the muṣḥaf during the time of Caliph ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān (may God be pleased with him) formed a major axis in orientalist discourse, as some Orientalists claimed that the compilation process involved the omission of texts or the exclusion of certain readings. However, the study demonstrated that these claims contradict the widely transmitted historical reports, which confirm that the compilation of the Qur’an aimed to preserve the unity of the text and prevent disagreement, not to alter or distort it.<br />The findings also showed that the Orientalists exaggerated the issue of variant Qur’anic readings as evidence for textual instability, whereas Muslim scholars regarded these readings as part of the linguistic facilitation approved by the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, and maintained that they do not affect the original Qur’anic text or its fundamental meanings.<br />The study further demonstrated that some of the propositions...<br />Your text cuts off there. If you send the remaining part, I can continue the translation seamlessly.<br />The orientalist claims were associated with cultural and political objectives that went beyond the academic framework. These claims were sometimes used to justify Western cultural domination, distort the image of Islam, and reinforce colonial attitudes that portrayed the Islamic East as a backward space in need of Western guardianship. They also contributed to the entrenchment of negative stereotypes about Islam and Muslims within Western societies, which in turn affected the nature of cultural and civilizational relations between East and West.<br />In contrast, the study confirmed that Muslim scholars, both Sunni and Shi‘i, have provided strong scholarly and methodological responses to these claims, relying on the historical mass transmission of the Holy Qur’an, the presence of memorisers and scribes of revelation during the time of the Prophet Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, as well as ancient Qur’anic manuscripts that demonstrate the stability of the Qur’anic text since the earliest centuries of Islam. The study also showed that the Qur’an is distinguished by a unique preservation system unmatched by other sacred books, which makes the claim of textual corruption scientifically and historically indefensible.<br />The study concluded that distortion-oriented trends in orientalist scholarship represent part of an intellectual and cultural project that sought to reinterpret Islam and its sacred texts through Western methods and perspectives that were often biased. It demonstrated that most claims concerning corruption of the Qur’an lack scientific and methodological foundations, and are based on undocumented assumptions or selective readings of Islamic tradition. The findings also confirmed that the Qur’an has been preserved through a precise system of oral and written transmission, and that the text available today is the same as that revealed to the Prophet Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, without addition or omission.<br />The study recommends strengthening specialized critical research on Orientalism, intensifying academic efforts to correct misconceptions about Islam in Western circles, and developing educational curricula that enhance younger generations’ awareness of the importance of understanding the Qur’an and its sciences in a rigorous scholarly manner. It also emphasizes the importance of cultural dialogue based on mutual respect and scholarly objectivity, free from stereotypes and preconceived judgments that have deepened the gap between East and West. تتناول هذه المقالة يُركّز على تحليل تيارات التحريف التي يسعى من خلالها بعض المستشرقين إلى تشويه النصوص الإسلامية، وخصوصًا القرآن الكريم. يعكس هذا التيار أهدافًا متعددة، تشمل التشكيك في أصالة القرآن، وزرع الشكوك في نفوس المسلمين حول عقيدتهم، مما يؤدي إلى إضعاف الهوية الإسلامية وتعزيز الهيمنة الثقافية والسياسية للغرب. يشير النص إلى أن تيارات التحريف ليست مجرد جهود فردية، بل تمثل جزءًا من مشروع أيديولوجي واسع يدعمه الاستشراق. هذا المشروع يستغل وسائل أكاديمية وسياسية لإعادة صياغة الفهم الإسلامي بما يتوافق مع مصالح القوى الغربية. أبرز استراتيجيات هذا التيار تشمل نشر صور نمطية خاطئة عن الإسلام والمسلمين لتكريس العداء الثقافي وتعزيز سوء الفهم بين الشرق والغرب، والسعي لإضعاف الإيمان الجماعي من خلال التشكيك في مصادر الإسلام الأساسية كالقرآن الكريم والسنة النبوية. كما تسعى هذه التيارات إلى زرع الشبهات حول التراث الإسلامي بين الشباب، مما يؤدي إلى ضعف ارتباطهم بهويتهم الدينية والثقافية، واستخدام التحريف كأداة لفرض سيطرة ثقافية غربية وإعادة تشكيل الفكر الإسلامي بما يتماشى مع أجندات غربية. تتجلى أهمية دراسة تيارات التحريف في حماية النصوص المقدسة وتعزيز الدراسات التي تدحض الشبهات وتؤكد أصالة النصوص الإسلامية، بالإضافة إلى تصحيح المفاهيم المغلوطة والعمل على تقديم الصورة الصحيحة للإسلام، خصوصًا في الأوساط الغربية. كما تتطلب هذه الدراسة تعزيز الهوية الإسلامية عبر توعية الأجيال الجديدة بأهمية فهم دينهم وتراثهم لتفادي الوقوع تحت تأثير التحريفات الفكرية، فضلاً عن مواجهة الأبعاد الثقافية والسياسية للتحريف من خلال تقديم ردود علمية على الادعاءات الاستشراقية التي تهدف إلى تقويض الثقافة الإسلامية. https://ipt.isca.ac.ir/article_79895_9540f753b89c1e4a6e3816872f37a8f8.pdf